The 17 Latvian Communist Protest Letter

Esteemed comrades,

We, 17 Communists of Latvia, are turning to you. We are writing you because we see no other means of influencing action and events which are doing grave harm to the Communist movement, to Marxism - Leninism, to us, and to other small nations.

The questions we are writing about here have been raised by a number of Communists in local Party organisations, but the only results have been reparations.

In order for you to understand us correctly, we find it necessary to speak briefly about ourselves. We are not opportunists, nor are we "leftists" or "rightists". We are Communists, and most of us have been such for 25 - 35 years and more. We wish only well to socialism, Marxism - Leninism, and mankind.

All of us were born here and lived here in Latvia. Here most of us experienced the evils of the bourgeois system, joined Party ranks when it was still underground, were repressed, and spent long years in prisons and doing forced labour in bourgeois Latvia. The struggle for Soviet power, for the socialist system was the goal and content of our lives. World War II found us in ranks of the Soviet army and in partisan detachments; we fought the German - fascist invaders. In the post-war years we actively participated in construction of socialism in our country.

With clear consciences we did everything that depended on us to make the teachings of Marx, Engels, and Lenin reality; but with aching hearts we saw that with each passing year their ideas were being distorted more and more, that Marxism - Leninism was being used as a cover for Great Russian chauvinism, that words here differed from deeds, that the work of Communists in other countries is being hampered, that instead of aid there is intervention.

Initially we thought that these occurrences were simply the mistakes of individual leaders, their lack of awareness of the evils of such policies. But over time we realised that Great Russian chauvinism is a policy which has been carefully thought out by the CPSU leadership. Forced assimilation of small nations in the USSR has been set as one of the more important and immediate tasks of internal state policy.

Latvia is such a small country that many people abroad would scarcely know its history and economic - geographic characteristics. To provide some orientation in matters to be discussed subsequently, we will very briefly describe Latvia, our native land.

Already more than two thousand years ago the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea were inhabited by the tribes of Cours, Semigalians, Sels, and Latgalians. By origin they belonged to the Indo - European group of peoples. Because they lived near bays, inlets, and navigable rivers - Daugava, Vistula, Venta, etc. - the region inhabited by them attracted the attention of larger neighbouring nations east and west, particularly that of Germans and Russians. Already at the beginning of the 131h century they were conquered by sword and cross of the Teutonic knights. About 700 years the Latvian people lived under the yoke of knights and barons.

The ancient dream of the Russian czars also was to seize the ice-free ports on the Baltic coast - Liepaja, Ventspils, Riga, and Tallin. Czar Peter I managed to realise this dream, and so our forebears came under the yoke of czarist Russia. For a tine parts of Latvia were also ruled by Poles, and Swedes. All conquerors tried to assimilate the local tribes, out of which later emerged the Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian peoples, but no conqueror was able to do this.

After World War I in 1918 Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia became independent. Latvia then had an area of 68,000 km2, and in this territory there lived two million people, 76 % of them Latvians. Bourgeois-democratic rule with a multiparty system was established in Latvia.' Politically the class struggle went on, and, depending on the relationship of forces, the system was established in Latvia. Politically the class struggle went on, and, depending on the relationship of forces, the system was more or less democratic. Trade unions and the Social Democratic Party functioned legally from 1918 to 1934. The Communist Party from 1919 to 1940 was underground.

Before World War II the Soviet Union coerced Ulmanis, the then leader of bourgeois Latvia, to sign an agreement permitting the stationing of large Red Army garrisons in Latvia. In 1940, with assistance of the Red Army, bourgeois power was overthrown and Latvia was joined to the Soviet Union.

During the period of bourgeois -democratic rule the national economy and culture of Latvia were substantially developed. Like Denmark and Holland, Latvia sold choice quality butter, cheese, meat (bacon), lumber products, and flax on the world market. Electrotechnical, optical, and other goods were also exported. A state university with 9 departments, and 4 other institutions of higher learning were operating, there was an opera, a musical-dramatic theatre, several dramatic theatres, and collectives of concerting artists.

During World War II about 40.000 people were evacuated into the interior of Russia; two Latvian divisions fought in the ranks of the Red Army. The rest of the population stayed in Latvia. A part of the population which remained on Latvian territory was destroyed by the German fascists, another part fell in battle fighting the Red Army, and yet another part of the nation emigrated to the West (West Germany, Sweden, Australia, USA, etc.) at the end of the war.

After World War II, this time having decided to establish themselves once and for all on Latvian, Lithuanian, and Estonian territory, the leaders of the CPSU CC initiated a policy of forced resettlement of Russians, Belorussians, and Ukrainians in these territories, and the forced assimilation of the Latvian, Lithuanian, and Estonian peoples (as well as the other small nations of the Soviet Union) - all this in spite of the fact that this directly contradicts the principles of Marxism-Leninism.

Because we cannot sign this letter, you may think that what we have said does not correspond to the truth, that we are exaggerating individual mistakes inevitable in work. No, it is not so. Let the facts speak.

Let us begin with the just words written in the CPSU CC decree dated June 12, 1953 - the only such decree which has been just. Describing this CPSU CC decree, the then first secretary of the Latvian CP CC, candidate member of the CPSU CC Presidium and member of the CC Janis Kalnberzins said at the Latvian Communist Party Central Committee Plenum held on June 22, 1953: "The Presidium CPSU CC has adopted a decree, which states:

1/ To charge all Party and state organs to fundamentally correct the situation existing in the national republics, to end the distortion of Soviet nationality policy;

2/ To organise the preparation, training, and bread promotion of people of the local nationality for leading work; to end the practice of promoting local cadres who do not belong to the local nationality; to recall and place at the disposal of the CPSU CC those nomenclature officials who do not speak the local language;

3/ To conduct business in the national republics in the local, native language ..."

At this plenum Latvian CP CC first secretary Kalnberzins described what had been bitterly, but truthfully said about the Latvian SSR at the CPSU CC plenum. In the decree it was stated that the Latvian CP CC and Council of Ministers (of course, forced by Moscow) until this time had grossly violated the Leninist Principles of nationality policy. Many Party, government, and economic officials, expressing an unwarranted mistrust of local cadres and lying about a need for security, had promoted mostly non-Latvians to leading work. The result of this attitude towards local cadres was that only 42 % of all Latvian CP CC officials were Latvians, and only 47 % of all district and city Party committee secretaries were Latvians. Moreover, many of them were Latvians in name only, because they had spent long years or all their lives in Russia, and could net speak Latvian.

Because this policy was given "from above", Kalnberzins, who was externally subservient to Moscow, at that time correctly said that the situation with national cadres was particularly unsatisfactory in the Riga city Party organisation. In the apparatus of the city committee not a single section head was Latvian, and out of 31 instructors only 2 were Latvians.

Cadre policy and the growth of Party ranks is determined by officials of organisational sections of district Party committees and secretaries of Party primary organisations. Among these Latvians were least of all. In each district there was but one Latvian per section, and only 17% of Party primary organisation secretaries were Latvians.

Such behaviour, full of unwarranted mistrust of Latvian workers, peasants, and working intelligentsia, and such composition of Party cadres led to the result that only 18% of all Communists in the city of Riga were Latvians.

Even such a lackey of great power politics as Arvids Pelse, then the Latvian CP CC secretary for propaganda - presently a member of the PSU CC Politburo and head of the CPSU CC Party Control Committee - admitted that there had been discrimination against Latvians and gross distortions of nationality policy. In his speech et the Latvian CP CC plenum he spoke about the CPSU CC Presidium decree, and said:

"This decision gives clear and unmistakable directives - the first task is to fundamentally correct the situation in the republic, to end the perversion of Soviet nationality policy . . . , in the immediate future to prepare, educate, and broadly promote Latvian cadres to leading work ..."

From the above statements it is evident that in 1953 - the first and only time since V.I.Lenin�s death - it was officially admitted that the nationality policy of Marxism - Leninism had been (and is being) grossly vitiated in our country.

But was the perversion ended after this plenum? No. "Above" the new course lasted only one week. Subsequently, although this Presidium decree was not withdrawn, all the intended measures were halted and everything remained the same as before. Even more - in the national republics there began an increasingly insistent and consistent implementation of a carefully thought-out program for the forced assimilation of small nations.

What are the main lines of this program and how is it being implemented?

The first main task is to transfer from Russia, Belorussia, and the Ukraine as many Russians, Belorussians and Ukrainians as possible, and to resettle them permanently in Latvia as well as the other Baltic republics.

How was the first main task carried out? The CPSU CC did not trust the Central Committees of the Communist Parties of its national republics:

1/ A "CPSU CC Orgburo for Latvia" was established at the Latvian CP CC (as well as at Central Committees of other union republics). This bureau was charged with controlling and directing the work of the Latvian CP CC and all policy in the republic. Shatalin was appointed chairman of the "Orgburo". He was followed by Riazanov.

2/ From Moscow they sent Ivan Lebedev to assume the post of second secretary of the Latvian CP CC, and Fyodor Titov to assume the post of secretary for cadres. These positions have been preserved to this day, they are saved for Russians who are sent here. At the present time the second secretary of the Latvian CP CC is the Russian Belukha. He was sent here from Leningrad.

3/ The "Orgburo" and these Muscovite Oberkommissare have shaped and continue to shape cadre policy in the republic se as to have entering Russians occupying all key posts, and first of all the positions of heads of cadre sections of all Party, government, and economic institutions. These people secured preferential registration requirements in the cities for the newcomers, and they placed then in choice occupations.

4/ In order to further the mass influx of Russians, Belorussians, and Ukrainians in the republic, they began to create various All-Union, interrepublic, and zonal organs in Latvia. Against the dictates of economic rationality they began to construct large industrial enterprises and to expand existing ones. Construction workers were recruited outside the republic and brought in, raw materials were transported from the Urals or the Donbas (i.e. across distances of 3.000 - 4.000 kilometre), specialists and workers were likewise brought in, but the output was shipped out of the republic. For such purposes a diesel plant, an autoelectrical instruments factory, a hydrometric instruments factory, and a turbine plant were built in Riga. In Daugavpils they built a large synthetic fibber factory. Its construction and production workers were brought in, and for them a sizeable town with almost no Latvians sprang up. In Ogre they built a large textile combine, and many others. Literally in every district town large enterprises have been or are being constructed. Construction workers, specialists, and production workers are brought in, but output is shipped to all parts of the Soviet Union.

Although Latvia had enough electric power stations to supply the republic with electricity, and in Russia there are many large rivers, they brought in construction workers and built the "Plavinas" hydroelectric power station on the river ,Daugava. A whole new town - Stuka - was built for them, and a new - district was created in the republic.

5/ In spite of the fact that for each post-war year forest cutting has exceeded the area of newly planted trees, the forests were barbarously destroyed. This led to large areas turning into swampland, and to import of raw materials for the local furniture industry. In recent years woodcutters have been (and are being) brought into Latvia from Russia, Belorussia, and Transcarpathian districts of the Ukraine, the destruction of forests continues, and the incoming woodcutters settle down permanently in the republic.

The result of such policies is that each year about 20 - 25.000 persons register to settle down in the city of Riga alone. The total number of Riga's inhabitants has increased 2.5 times, but only 45% of then were Latvians in 1959, and 40% in 1970. In Latvia there were 62 % Latvians in 1959 and 57% Latvians in 1970.

The fate of the former Karelian union republic clear1y indicates where this policy is leading. It no longer exists. It was liquidated because the native inhabitants formed less than half of its total population. Karelia now is a part of the Russian Federated Republic. The same fate awaits the Kazakh union republic and Latvia.

6/ Flooding of the local population with masses of Russians, Belorussians, and Ukrainians is aise exemplified by the stationing of large military and border garrisons in Latvia, and the construction of tens of large sanatoriums, vacation establishments, and tourist bases of All-Union significance. Riga seashore has already been converted into an All-Union resort, almost no local inhabitants remain there.

Such a policy has continued for the entire post-war period in Latvia, and has been intensified during the last decade. Now the republic already has a number of large enterprises where there are almost no Latvians among the workers, engineering - technical personnel, and directors ("REZ", the diesel factory, the hydrometric instruments factory, and many others); there are also those where most of the workers are Latvians, but none of the executives understands Latvian (the Popov radio factory, the railroad car plant, the autoelectrical instruments factory, "Rigas audums", etc.)

There are entire institutions where there are very few Latvians. The apparatus of the Ministry of Interior in Riga, for example, has 1.500 employees, but only about 300 of them are Latvians. There are very few Latvians among the construction workers. About 65 % of the doctors working in municipal heath institutions do not speak Latvian, and because of this often make crude mistakes in diagnosing illnesses and prescribing treatment.

All this calls forth just indignation in the local population.

Solution of the first main task - increasing the numbers of non-Latvians in the Republic - simultaneously creates conditions for solution of the second main task: The progressive russification of all life in Latvia, and the assimilation of the Latvians.

To achieve this goal, the following has been and is being done:

1/ Demands of the newcomers to increase Russian-language radio and television broadcasts in the republic are being satisfied. At the present time one radio program and one television program is broadcast entirely in Russian, and the other program is mixed. Thus about two-thirds of the radio and television broadcasts in the republic are in Russian. The former head of the Riga television station, Elinskis, did not agree to carry out the newcomer's demands. He was removed from his post.

2/ Union newspapers, magazines, and books are all received in Latvia, but about half of the periodicals published in Latvia are in Russian anyway. Works of Latvian writers and school textbooks in Latvian cannot be published, because there is a lack of paper, but books written by Russian authors and school textbooks in Russian are published.

3/ In all republic, city, and district organisations, in most local organisations, and in all enterprises, business is conducted in Russian.

4/ Excepting such collectives as editorial boards of Latvian newspapers and magazines, Latvian Theatres and educational institutions, and partly kolkhozy, all meetings are also conducted in Russian. There are many collectives where Latvians have an absolute majority. Nevertheless, if there is a single Russian in the collective, he will demand that the meeting be conducted in Russian, and his demand will be satisfied. If this is not done, then the collective is accused of nationalism.

5/ So-called united schools, kindergartens, and childrens' homes have been established in the cities and in the countryside. In practice this means that the kindergartens, homes, and schools with Russian as the language of instruction have remained the and as befere, but that in all establishments and schools where the language of instruction is Latvian, Russian groups and classes have been created. Subsequently here, too, all business (such as pedagogical councils, teacher - student meetings, and Pioneer gatherings) is conducted in Russian. Excepting some country districts in Kurzeme, Zemgale, and Vidzeme, there are very few Latvian schools left.

6/ In all middle special and higher educational institutions there are shifts in Russian as the language of instruction.

7/ In newspapers, radio, television, magazines, books - everywhere - day in and day out there is loud preaching about friendship with the Russians, and much publicity is devoted to cases of Latvian youths marrying Russian women, and Latvian girls marrying Russian men.

8/ National brand names have been completely erased in the production of articles of mass consumption. Formerly Latvia, like any other state, had its own national dishes and its own brands of candy, chocolates, and cigarettes. Now only Union brands remain - "Belechka':, "Lastochka", "Kara-Kum", "Kazbek", "Belomor-Kanal", etc. In public cafeterias, cafes, and restaurants food is prepared only according to Union (i.e., Russian) recipes. National dishes rarely appear.

9/ The Latvian nation has its remarcab1e "Ligo" festival, which has been freely celebrated for centuries,- including the years of the German fascist occupation. Until last year the "Ligo" festival, was categorically forbidden; this year, although there is no official prohibition, it has not

10/ There are two approaches to the literary heritage. The works of L.Tolstoy,' Turgenev, Dosteievski, Gogol, Pushkin, Lermontov, etc., are published again and again. However, of the Latvian writers of the pre-Soviet period, only Rainis, Paegle, and Veidenbaums are fully recognised, and Aspazija, Blaumanis and some others are recognised in part.

11/ Riga has six administrative subdivisions, but not a single one of them bears a local name. They are called Lenin, Kirov, Moscow, Leningrad, October, and Proletarian.

12/ In Riga there are streets with the following names: Lenin, Kirov, Sverdlov, Pushkin, Lermontov, Gorki, there is even a street named after the czarist governor Suvorov. However, such street names as the boulevard named after Aspazija, the foremost Latvian poetess, and the street named after Kr. Valdemars, the selfless enlightener of the Latvian people, have been struck out.

13/ In Riga there is a memorial home for Lenin, and also one for Czar Peter I, the conqueror of Baltic lands.

14/ The important role played by the Latvian Rifle regiments at the time of the October revolution is well known. In the most critical moments Lenin trusted them to guard the Kremlin and his own person. During World War II two Latvian divisions and a special aviation regiment heroically fought in the ranks of the Red Army. Now, however, Latvian units have been disbanded, and Latvian youths are deliberately forbidden to serve even in these Russian units which are stationed on Latvian soil; instead they are dispersed all over the Soviet Union, as far away from Latvia as possible.

15/ The repertoires of Latvian professional or amateur theatres, ensembles, orchestras, and choruses are not confirmed unless they include Russian plays or songs. However, there are almost no Latvian plays or songs in the repertoires of Russian collectives.

We could continue listing such facts and events, all of which testify to one and the same: All what is national is being eradicated. Forced assimilation is being implemented. There is no equality between nations, cultures, and traditions.

It may of course be asked: Why do Latvian Communists and the Latvian people remain silent?

They were not silent. There were attempts to oppose such policies.

For example, E. Berklavs (former first secretary of the Riga city Party committee, subsequently deputy chairman of the Latvian SSR Council of Ministers, and member of the Latvian CP CC Bureau) always consistently opposed these harmful activities. Until a certain tine he was supported by a number of other members of the Latvian CP CC Bureau and the republic government. However, when a majority of the members of the Latvian CP CC Bureau began to support their views, the former first secretary of the CPSU CC comrade Khrushchev personally arrived in Latvia; he also sent Mukhitdinev, then a secretary of the CPSU CC. In result Berklavs was removed from his post of deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, expelled from the Latvian CP CC Bureau and the CC, and deported from the republic. For supporting this position, for opposing Great Russian chauvinism and the distortion of the policy of Marxisxn-Leninism, the following persons were removed from their posts:

- K. 0zolins, chairman of the presidium of the Latvian Supreme Soviet, and member of the Latvian CP CC Bureau
- A. Pinksis, chairman of the republic Council of Trade Unions, and candidate member of the Latvian CP CC Bureau
- Straujums, first secretary of the Riga city Party committee (after Berklavs), and member of the Latvian CP CC Bureau
- Pizans, responsible editor of the newspaper "Cina" (the central organ of the Latvian CP CC), and candidate member of the Latvian CP CC Bureau
- E. Mukins, deputy chairman of the republic Gesolan
- V. Kreituss, first deputy chairman of the Riga city Executive Committee
- Bisenieks, secretary of the Latvian CP CC, and member of its Bureau
- V. Krumins, second secretary of the Latvian CP CC
- P. Dzerve, director of the Economics Research Inst.
- V. Kalpins, Minister of Culture, and member of the Latvian CP CC
- P. Cerkovskis, deputy Minister of Culture
- Prombergs, deputy Minister of Heath
- A. Nikonovs, Minister of Agriculture
- Vallis, deputy Minister of Agriculture
- Darbins, responsible editor of the Riga city newspaper
- Ruskulis, first secretary of the CC of the Latvian Komsomol
- Valters, second secretary of the CC of the Latvian Komsomol
- Brencis, responsible editor of "Padomju Jaunatne", the newspaper and central organ of the CC of the Latvian Komsomol
- Zandmanis, head of the cadre section of the Latvian SSR Council of Ministers
- J. Kacens, head of the "Administrative Organs" section of the Latvian CP CC
- E. Liberts, Minister of Automobile Transport and Highways
- Plesuns, chairman of the Latvian CP CC Party Central Commission
- E. Erenstreite, senior adviser of the Council of Ministers
- J. Gibietis, head of the popular education section of the Riga city Executive Committee, and member of the Riga city committee of the Latvian CP
- H. Vernere and Duskina, high school directors
- and many, many others.

Now only foreigners, and such Latvians who have spent all their lives in Russia, and come to Latvia only after World War II, are in leading work. Most of then either do not speak Latvian at all, or speak it very badly. This is illustrated by the following facts:

At the present time the following are working as secretaries of the Latvian CP CC: CC first secretary Voss - a Latvian from Russia, usually does not speak Latvian in public; CC second secretary Belukha - a Russian from Russia, does not understand Latvian; CC secretary for propaganda Drizzles - a Latvian from Russia; secretary for agriculture Vera - an Estonian from Russia, does not understand Latvian; CC secretary for industry Peterson�s - a Latvian from Russia, speaks Latvian very badly.

The leadership of the Council of Ministers: Chairman J. Rubbings - a Latvian from Russia, speaks Latvian very badly; deputy chairman Bondaletov - a Russian from Russia, does not understand Latvian. The chairman of the Presidium of the Latvian SSR Supreme Soviet - V. Rubens, a Latvian from Russia, speaks Latvian very badly, usually does not speak it in public.

For leading work they usually select unprincipled people, people without any views or opinions of their own - toadies, careerists, and lickspittles. Principled people, who have their own views and do not hide them, find their path blocked.

Such, then, are the conditions in Latvia, in such a situation are the local inhabitants in their own republics, in their native land. As concerns Lithuanians, Estonians, Jews, Germans, Poles, and other minorities (except Russians), who have lived in Latvian territory previously and live there now, their national characteristics are not respected at all. Until 1940, i.e., until the establishment of Soviet power, in Latvia they had their own elementary and high schools, where they were taught in their native language. In their native language they published newspapers, magazines, and books, they had their own clubs, theatres, choirs, and other cultural - educational institutions. Now, despite the well-known principles of Marxism-Leninism en these questions, despite the declarations of the USSR leaders, that in the Soviet Union the national question has been solved, and that all nations and nationalities here have complete freedom and equality, nothing like this exists. In all republics the Russians have everything, the nations of their own republics still have something and the rest have nothing.

And the 3.5 million Jews who live in the USSR have a single newspaper and a single magazine in their native language, which are published in their autonomous region. The opportunity to have their own theatre, club, or any sort of cultural-educational institution has been denied then, even in cities where there are tens of thousands of then.

Esteemed comrades! In this letter we briefly described the actual situation existing in the soviet Union in only one aspect, that of the national question. But the teachings of Marxism-Leninism about the rights and freedoms common to all mankind, the freedom of speech, the leninist style of work, and other fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism are also being grossly violated here.

Why are we writing you about this? Why do we write only now? What do we ask from you, and what do we propose?

As we said at the beginning of this letter, we are Communists of long standing. When we worked underground, were cast in prisons, and did forced labour in bourgeois Latvia, we knew the substance of the socialist state, and the teachings of Marxism-Leninism only in theory. We had unquestioning faith in all the ideals of these teachings.

When we first saw the socialist state (which then was the only one such in the entire world), we immediately saw that real life differed from theory. But we fervently believed that its mistakes were transitional, that one had to struggle with them, and that they could be overcome. At first we did not realise the depth of these mistakes,.

Only gradually and over time, in practical work we came to realise that everything which is officially spoken and written here is nothing but sham, the tendentious twisting of facts, and lies, that all Party conferences, meetings, and congresses are only spectacles, which have been carefully prepared in advance. They are called solely in order to create an illusion of intra-Party democracy, and they have to echo what has been said "above" - in the final analysis, what has been said by the first citizen of the country (singly and personally). Amy attempt to object to this opinion is judged as an attempt to oppose the Party and Leninism. Such brave souls are not only removed from all posts, but they are also deprived of liberty, thrown into prisons and camps in inhuman conditions, deported, sometimes they even disappear forever without a trace.

It will be understood that in such conditions there can be no discussion either in Party conferences and plenums, or in sessions of Councils of Peoples' Deputies. Thus is the illusion of unity created.

We believe that you have heard all this before and that you know some things. However, using only official sources and spending only brief periods in the Soviet Union, you can scarcely imagine everything that is happening here. That is why we are writing you; we want to acquaint you with the facts.

We understand that no Communist Party has the right to interfere in the affairs of other Parties. But, in order to jointly achieve this, it is necessary to rein in the violator of this principle. You know the facts. And besides - it is precisely from our successes, failures, and mistakes, that people of the world judge Communists and socialism generally. The actions of the Soviet Union help or hinder your work too.

This is why we believe that you should know the truth about us, and that you will find it necessary to influence the leaders of the USSR. We know that this is not easy - they are not in the habit of listening te others, they act from positions of strength and respect only strength. But the influence of your Party in the world Communist movement is great, and your views cannot be ignored. We will not attempt to say in advance in what ways you could influence the leaders of the USSR.. However, we believe that, it is not possible to preserve the prestige of Marxism-Leninism by keeping silent about the violation of its fundamental principles here.

If the leaders of the CPSU do not agree to immediately cease the above and similar activities, then they should be ruthlessly unmasked and boycotted. The present policies of the CPSU leaders are fateful for the entire vend Communist movement.

With Communist greetings.

Source:
"The 17 Latvian Communist Protest Letter", published by The Second World Youth Congress, august 15-21 1972 London.